Tuesday, January 27, 2009

An Historical Perspective on Torture


On January 22, in only his second full day in office, President Obama signed into law an executive order forbidding the use of torture in government interrogations. More than a repudiation of the policies of the Bush administration, the order is nothing short of a statement recommitting America to the Constitutional principles on which it was founded--equality under the law and the right to a fair trial. Certainly, introducing these prisoners into the justice system, where the innocent can be set free and the guilty sent to jail where they belong, will strengthen our resolve and make the US a safer, not more dangerous, place. If the goal of al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden was "to destroy America's way of life," then didn't the Bush administration play right into their hands with its flaunting of these supposedly hallowed principles? By sanctifying the use of torture, we said to our enemies not that they should fear us, but that we would inadvertently bow to their wishes by condoning that which we supposedly stand so stridently against. By way of life, bin Laden likely referred more to our economic and foreign policies, but if the foundations of these crumble, the house cannot be far behind. And, if America is truly weakening as a nation relative to China and the European Union, our reassertion as a moral leader in a dangerous world can only bolsters our credentials on the world stage. This is desperately needed in the aftermath of Iraq. The moral argument against torture seems apparent enough, and the point, at least for the meantime, is hopefully moot, but I'd like to point out how it has failed pragmatically as well. So, for the moral relativists, a practical argument against torture:

Many historical societies, at some time or another, have used torture either as a way to extract confessions among the accused or as a form of punishment, usually as a prelude to execution. In some societies it may have been a continuation of religious human sacrifice; in others, born out of the militaristic nature of the culture. Roman torture first took the form of military-style punishment and was later utilized privately as the aristocracy employed it as a fear-inducing weapon designed to keep the lower-classes and slaves in their socio-economic places. Some of the most historically memorable instances of Roman torture in the first few centuries of the common era were a point of entertainment for the masses--gladiatorial games, the participants of which were almost always either prisoners or slaves. And of course, as anyone who has studied early Christianity knows, the brutality of the first and second century Romans against the first Christian martyrs was legion (no pun intended).

Torture has been variously outlawed in the past and the Geneva Convention is by no means new in its interpretation and moral outrage against the practice. In the late 6th century, Pope Gregory I famously declared all confessions extracted during torture to be inadmissible in courts, but this proclamation was not far reaching, applying only to those courts under the jurisdiction of the Church, and torture continued to be used for the purposes of punishment, as well as in the recently converted Germanic peoples. In the case of this culture, which had yet to be fully synthesized with the Romano-Judeo-Christian one, the use of compurgations or ordeals, from which we get our modern word, was commonplace to determine the innocence or guilt of convicted persons. The process usually involved enduring some sort of physical pain, after which one would be judged on that endurance. One process involved grasping a hot iron or dunking one's hand into a pot of boiling water. The wound would be bandaged and if it healed quickly, innocence was presumed, whereas a lengthy recovery or the development of a particularly nasty scar would result in a conviction. Gregory the Great's proclamation did not touch this practice and ordeals were commonplace until at least the early 13th century. Still, torture, in its modern definition, was a feature of Roman rather than Germanic law. In the year 1215, Pope Innocent III forbade the use of ordeals at the Lateran IV Council (Canon 18) and negated their efficacy in courts. The implementation of this rule was, however, not out of compassion, but an attempt to diminish the significance of "planned miracles" because the standard belief of the Church was that miracles should be spontaneous and should not be expected to prove the worth of common people. Around the same time, the polymath emperor of the sprawling central European Holy Roman Empire, Frederick II, also outlawed ordeals for a more practical reason, stating that they would only determine who was stronger, not who was morally right.

This legal standard was not to last though, and the use of torture as a weapon of the powerful would return with legal sanction as the Inquisition came into the fore. Less than forty years after Lateran IV outlawed ordeals, Innocent IV's papal bull Ad Extirpanda (1252) authorized papal inquisitors to confiscate property, imprison, torture, and execute suspected heretics. Two centuries later, as the specific category of witchcraft (maleficarum) evolved, first the use of ordeals began to resurface and then the use of torture in extrication of confession reemerged as a serious practice in Western Europe. Scholars such as Norman Cohn have pointed to the example Rome set for the medieval world and argues that the same techniques used by the Church to deal with heretics had precedent among, ironically, the Roman persecution of Christians. More to the point, he argues that, while "financial greed and conscious sadism" were certainly aspects of these torturous trials, the real motivation was religious zeal, and that torture as a practice was not only legitimate but a necessity, because it was required to extricate the devils from the perpetrators. The practical implications here are the most suspect, but unfortunately, the historical record of common people from pre-modern times is usually scant. There do exist, however, some telling examples of the futility of torture as a reliable tool for information gathering. One occurs in 1587, when the mid-wife and widow Walpurgia confessed, under considerable duress to copulating with the devil, denying the name of Christ, terminating pregnancies with a magical ointment, and a number of other fantastical crimes that she certainly did not commit. Her case is representative of a great many witchcraft trials from the late 16th and early 17th centuries: a woman, usually older, sometimes illiterate and oftentimes a widow or mid-wife, is accused by men of the same socio-economic class, authorities (usually secular in England and religious on the Continent) are called, and under torture, patently false accusations are confessed to after which the persecuted person is put to death (usually by hanging in England and by burning at the stake on the Continent). From the hand of Junius, a male accused of witchcraft in 1628, we have an actual letter written to his daughter and smuggled out of his prison detailing the torture he endured: "Innocent have I come to prison, innocent have I been tortured, innocent I must die. For whoever comes into the witch prison must...be tortured until he invents something out of his head. When I was the first time put to the torture...I said 'I am no witch, I have a pure conscience on the matter; if there are a thousand witnesses, I am not anxious.' And then came also--God in highest heaven have mercy--the executioner, and put the thumb-screws on me, both hands bound together, so that the blood ran out at the nails and everywhere, so that for four weeks I could not use my hands, as you can see from the writing.... Thereafter they stripped me, bound my hands behind me, and drew me up in the [strappado]. Then I thought heaven and earth were at an end; eight times did they draw me up and let me fall again, so that I suffered terrible agony.... And so I made my confession...but it was all a lie."


The methods have little changed over the years, and neither have the results.

The righteous rise
With burning eyes
Of hatred and ill-will
Madmen fed on fear and lies
To beat and burn and kill

They say there are strangers who threaten us
In our immigrants and infidels
They say there is strangeness too dangerous
In our theaters and bookstore shelves
That those who know what's best for us
Must rise and save us from ourselves

Quick to judge
Quick to anger
Slow to understand
Ignorance and prejudice
And fear walk hand in hand...

-Rush, "Witch Hunt"

4 comments:

  1. The Bush Administration did more to destroy the American Way of Life than any terrorist organization has ever done.

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  2. Being "against" torture is as easy as being "for" little children. I'm not so sure.

    I think you are right to consider the historical purposes of torture. I don't think anyone today would argue that torture for the purposes of punishment or religion is moral or useful.

    But I am open to the idea of "torture" (whatever that is) for purposes of information gathering if it is (1) necessary in a given situation and (2) likely to be effective.

    A situation in which torture might be necessary would be when there was reason to believe a person had knowledge of a plot of some sort, and there was not time to do a proper investigation. I am willing to stipulate that such situations would be rare.

    I think the real problem with the test I have set out above is in determining whether the person to be tortured would give a reliable statement. Perhaps it is possible to use psychological profiling or something of the sort. I don't know. I couldn't be convinced to allow torture if there was no way to know whether it would be effective, but if there was a way to know, I might be convinced. Again, I am willing to stipulate that situations where it is determinable ex ante that torture is likely to be effective in obtaining reliable information would be rare.

    Of course, giving the person with the power to do the torturing the ability to make the determination of whether torture is necessary and likely to be effective is an invitation for abuse. I think this is my most important point: We do all kinds of terrible things to people all of the time. Government can take your property, your liberty, and your life -- but before doing so it has to give you due process. I could support "torture" if the person to be tortured was (1) given a hearing in front of a neutral, independent judge, (2) was represented by counsel, and (3) had the opportunity to examine the evidence against him. After the hearing, if the judge decided that a particular method of torture was necessary and likely to be effective, I could support torture.

    Am I being overly legalistic and a little unprincipled? Yes, but forgive me, that is what 2 1/2 years of law school can do to a person. But I am as uneasy drawing lines that forbid torture as I am allowing unfettered discretion to law enforcement. The only way I can think to reconcile that uneasiness is with procedure. We live in a messy world, and sometimes how we do something is as important as what we actually wind up doing.

    That said, being "for" children is much simpler. They are cute. Enough said.

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  3. I'd agree that we live in a "messy" world, and, for the sake of argument, that's why I wrote about practical reasons for being against torture rather than moral ones. Being "against" torture and "for" little children, of which I think you're right to be suspect, seems to be a moral argument. My point is that, at least from what I've studied, torture is unnecessary because it doesn't work. I only gave two examples, but there are hundreds of historical examples of people who lied their fiery little pants off to get people to stop stabbing them, or hanging them, or ripping off their toenails. Most people, once they pass their breaking points, will say ANYTHING to stop the pain. So, how reliable can any of that information be? Perhaps, if torture were a successful method of extracting information, I'd have to rely on a moral argument, but I don't think it's even necessary to go there. Maybe I'm too idealistic and wrapped up in the who "better-to-let-one-guilty-man-go-free-than-condemn-ten-innocent-men" mentality, but I can't imagine a circumstance like the one you're describing. If it's a question of effectiveness, I simply haven't seen any evidence that it ever is, or at least that if it is, it's extraordinarily rare.

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  4. This article points to some anecdotes that could cut either way on the pragmatic merits of torture.

    http://www.nytimes.com/2004/05/16/weekinreview/16slac.html?ex=1400040000&en=d016acfc4bf57bbf&ei=5007&partner=USERLAND

    I fancy myself a Richard Posner-style pragmatist, which is what makes me uncomfortable with taking a policy position based on my moral intuition alone. I don't like torture, but I have a gut feeling (and at least some anecdotal support) that sometimes it is necessary. I think you are right to look at history for empirical support for your position. But I will quote the article I linked to above for my final rebuttal: "[I]f torture doesn't work, why is it so widely employed?" It could simply be depravity. But perhaps history doesn't tell the whole story about the effectiveness of torture.

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